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The educational struggle for Korean identity in Japan 1945-1948
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The association between education and society:
The educational struggle for Korean identity in Japan 1945-1948
「教育と社会の関係：日本でおきた韓（朝鮮）identityを求める教育闘争1945-1948」（英文）
contents
- The association between education and society: The educational struggle for Korean identity in Japan 1945-1948「教育と社会の関係：日本でおきた韓（朝鮮）identityを求める教育闘争1945-1948」（英文）
- Introduction
- Education for Koreans in Japan before Liberation (before 1945)
- From Assimilation Education to Japanese Imperialism
- Independent Schools for Korean Workers
- Korean Identity Education after WW II
- The Korean Federation in Japan (KFJ)
- Dissemination of Korean Identity Education by the KFJ
- The HanShin Educational Struggle
- Social Constrictions
- The Struggle for the Autonomy of Korean Education in Osaka and Kobe
- Epilogue
- Conclusions
- Notes
- References
- 翻訳文ご投稿
Asia Pacific Education Review Copyright 2008 by Education Research Institute
2008, Vol. 9, No.3, 335-343.
The Association between Education and Society:
The Educational Struggle for Korean Identity
in Japan 1945-1948
In-duck Kim
SungKyunKwan University
Korea
2008, Vol. 9, No.3, 335-343.
The Association between Education and Society:
The Educational Struggle for Korean Identity
in Japan 1945-1948
In-duck Kim
SungKyunKwan University
Korea
- In-duck Kim
- Academy of East Asian Studies, SungKyunKwan University, Korea.
- Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to
- In-duck Kim, Academy of East Asian Studies, SungKyunKwan University,
- 53, Myungnyun-Dong 3-Ga, Jongno-Gu, Seoul 110-745, Korea.
- E-mail: kid620827@hanmail.net
This study attempts to elucidate the idea that education reflects the contemporary
social structure. This inference is focused on the educational struggle for Korean
identity led by the Korean Federation in Japan (KFJ) during 1945-1948. The KFJ
disseminated the educational movement for Koreans in Japan (Zainichi). The General
Head Quarters (GHQ) suppressed Korean identity education (KIE) and tried to disrupt
the activities of the KFJ. KIE was identified and destroyed during the HanShin
educational struggle as part of the conflict with the GHQ. However, HanShin
movement survived to form the basis for the new start of the Korean educational
movement in Japan and has served as the cornerstone of KIE.
social structure. This inference is focused on the educational struggle for Korean
identity led by the Korean Federation in Japan (KFJ) during 1945-1948. The KFJ
disseminated the educational movement for Koreans in Japan (Zainichi). The General
Head Quarters (GHQ) suppressed Korean identity education (KIE) and tried to disrupt
the activities of the KFJ. KIE was identified and destroyed during the HanShin
educational struggle as part of the conflict with the GHQ. However, HanShin
movement survived to form the basis for the new start of the Korean educational
movement in Japan and has served as the cornerstone of KIE.
This case elucidates the ways in which education is strongly associated with the
social structure and the status quo.
social structure and the status quo.
Key words:
education, society, HanShin educational struggle, Korean identity education,
Korean Federation in Japan
education, society, HanShin educational struggle, Korean identity education,
Korean Federation in Japan
335
Introduction
Education is a reflection of the social structure; history is the communication
between the past and present and gives birth to future directions. However, little
research has been published on the issue.
between the past and present and gives birth to future directions. However, little
research has been published on the issue.
The aim of this study is to evaluate the idea that education reflects the
contemporary social structure and status quo. To evaluate and test this notion,
the cases of the educational struggles for Korean identity, led by the Korean
Federation in Japan (KFJ)1 from 1945 to 1948 were selected.
contemporary social structure and status quo. To evaluate and test this notion,
the cases of the educational struggles for Korean identity, led by the Korean
Federation in Japan (KFJ)1 from 1945 to 1948 were selected.
Approximately two million Koreans were residing in Japan as workers and
students on August 15, 1945 (Wagner, 1951). Opportunities to learn to read and
write in Korean during the era of Japanese imperialism during 1910 – 1945 were
largely denied or absent. After the Japanese surrender in 1945, the American
Military Administration (AMA) started to rule Japan. Implicit in the AMA’s early
democratization program was the emancipation of Koreans from the oppressive and
discriminatory controls under which they had lived in during the occupation
(Wagner, 1951). Soon, they adopted the ruling idea that the social structure and
system should be as the same as that under the Japanese system except for the
imperial system and the issue of Korean identity education2. Koreans in Japan
(Zainichi Chosenjin: Zainichi) were swept up in the wave of euphoria accompanying
the liberation and maintained a strong desire to implement Korean identity
education. They organized the KFJ in 1945 and disseminated the Korean identity
educational movement for Koreans throughout Japan. During this process, the HanShin
educational movement became part of the conflict between KFJ and the General Head
Quarters of the AMA (GHQ).
students on August 15, 1945 (Wagner, 1951). Opportunities to learn to read and
write in Korean during the era of Japanese imperialism during 1910 – 1945 were
largely denied or absent. After the Japanese surrender in 1945, the American
Military Administration (AMA) started to rule Japan. Implicit in the AMA’s early
democratization program was the emancipation of Koreans from the oppressive and
discriminatory controls under which they had lived in during the occupation
(Wagner, 1951). Soon, they adopted the ruling idea that the social structure and
system should be as the same as that under the Japanese system except for the
imperial system and the issue of Korean identity education2. Koreans in Japan
(Zainichi Chosenjin: Zainichi) were swept up in the wave of euphoria accompanying
the liberation and maintained a strong desire to implement Korean identity
education. They organized the KFJ in 1945 and disseminated the Korean identity
educational movement for Koreans throughout Japan. During this process, the HanShin
educational movement became part of the conflict between KFJ and the General Head
Quarters of the AMA (GHQ).
336
In terms of Korean identity education in Japan, some results have been reported:
an assimilation concept based on the historical material approach (Ozawa, 1988);
a chronological approach (Kim, 2002); a field survey approach (Yang, 1994; Park,
1979; Eo, 1998); and an approach with the issue of North Korea at the fore (Cho,
Ryou, & Han, 2002) have all been used.
In terms of Korean identity education in Japan, some results have been reported:
an assimilation concept based on the historical material approach (Ozawa, 1988);
a chronological approach (Kim, 2002); a field survey approach (Yang, 1994; Park,
1979; Eo, 1998); and an approach with the issue of North Korea at the fore (Cho,
Ryou, & Han, 2002) have all been used.
To make a logical inference regarding the links between education and society,
this interpretation is based on the holistic view of the Korean identity
encompassing South and North Korea. It applies the chronological approach using
previous primary materials and survey materials: the description of the
administrational and societal conditions in Japan and the review of primary
materials on their activities according to the three-stage concept of the KFJ
(Kim, 2007). It starts with a description of the education for Koreans in Japan
before liberation, using the cessation of World War II as a backdrop. It is
followed by an interpretation of the educational movement of KFJ as a sprout of
Korean identity education in Japan. Finally, it is highlighted by the
interpretation of the HanShin educational struggle as a major piece of evidence for
the interplay between education and society.
this interpretation is based on the holistic view of the Korean identity
encompassing South and North Korea. It applies the chronological approach using
previous primary materials and survey materials: the description of the
administrational and societal conditions in Japan and the review of primary
materials on their activities according to the three-stage concept of the KFJ
(Kim, 2007). It starts with a description of the education for Koreans in Japan
before liberation, using the cessation of World War II as a backdrop. It is
followed by an interpretation of the educational movement of KFJ as a sprout of
Korean identity education in Japan. Finally, it is highlighted by the
interpretation of the HanShin educational struggle as a major piece of evidence for
the interplay between education and society.
Education for Koreans in Japan before Liberation (before 1945)
During the Japanese colonial period, the Japanese education system consisted
mainly of public schools for an assimilation education in both Japan and Korea; it
also had night schools for Korean workers in Japan. The Japanese imperialists
believed that Koreans could be assimilated and remodeled by this type of education
and portrayed this policy as being progressive. However, Korean nationalists and
liberalists thought that night schools focused only on literacy and education for
children.
mainly of public schools for an assimilation education in both Japan and Korea; it
also had night schools for Korean workers in Japan. The Japanese imperialists
believed that Koreans could be assimilated and remodeled by this type of education
and portrayed this policy as being progressive. However, Korean nationalists and
liberalists thought that night schools focused only on literacy and education for
children.
From Assimilation Education to Japanese Imperialism
As the population of Korean children increased in Japan, problems related to
education worsened. Ozawa put forth the following statement:
education worsened. Ozawa put forth the following statement:
“According to the Primary Education Act, Article 32, the education for
Korean children in Japan should be mandatory. Compared to the children
in Korea, it seemed to be the complimentary treatment” (Lee, 1999,p. 96).
The number of Korean students attending these schools was very small and what
they learnt was essentially how to live as Japanese rather than Koreans. The
objective of this mandatory education was to prepare its students for the Japanese
military and stifle any feeling of Korean nationalism (Chosen University, 1987).
This form of mandatory education can be interpreted differently according to the
given social structure: as military education for imperialism; as education
undertaken by a dictatorship; or as citizenship education within a democracy.
they learnt was essentially how to live as Japanese rather than Koreans. The
objective of this mandatory education was to prepare its students for the Japanese
military and stifle any feeling of Korean nationalism (Chosen University, 1987).
This form of mandatory education can be interpreted differently according to the
given social structure: as military education for imperialism; as education
undertaken by a dictatorship; or as citizenship education within a democracy.
Independent Schools for Korean Workers
As many Koreans moved to Japan to work in the 1920’s (Chosen University, 1987),
night schools were established to train such worers in basic. Table 1 shows the
increasing trend in the number of Korean immigrants in Japan from 1920-1950. Korean
immigrants increased to one million in 1940 and were up to more than 1.9 million in
1944, because Japan was preparing for the Pacific War. Since the number of Korean
families increased in 1930, the objective of the night schools became increasingly
geared to the education of these immigrants’ children. There were many night schools
in Tokyo, Osaka, Hyogo, Kanagawa and Fukuoka; of them all, Osaka was the most
active because of the huge numbers of workers. It was speculated that night schools
were built as an alternative to the regular schools, because Korean workers were
not able to go to regular schools due to having no time and low incomes as well as
the fact that they retained strong sentiments regarding their Korean identity. As a
result of many Koreans’ moving to Japan through the KyoseiRenko process, (the
forced mobilization of Korean laborers) in 1940, night schools gradually faded out.
The decreasing trend of night schools indicates clearly that the social situation
also influences all types of education.
night schools were established to train such worers in basic. Table 1 shows the
increasing trend in the number of Korean immigrants in Japan from 1920-1950. Korean
immigrants increased to one million in 1940 and were up to more than 1.9 million in
1944, because Japan was preparing for the Pacific War. Since the number of Korean
families increased in 1930, the objective of the night schools became increasingly
geared to the education of these immigrants’ children. There were many night schools
in Tokyo, Osaka, Hyogo, Kanagawa and Fukuoka; of them all, Osaka was the most
active because of the huge numbers of workers. It was speculated that night schools
were built as an alternative to the regular schools, because Korean workers were
not able to go to regular schools due to having no time and low incomes as well as
the fact that they retained strong sentiments regarding their Korean identity. As a
result of many Koreans’ moving to Japan through the KyoseiRenko process, (the
forced mobilization of Korean laborers) in 1940, night schools gradually faded out.
The decreasing trend of night schools indicates clearly that the social situation
also influences all types of education.
Osaka night schools were both public and private. The former started in May,
1924. The Japanese Korean cooperation association (Naisenkyowagai) was organized
to support Japanese Imperialists. In Osaka, Naisenkyowagai organized public schools
to promote the living standards of Koreans and to ‘develop’ their character. It
opened night schools along with boarding houses and help with finding jobs. The
length of the course was three years; it was
1924. The Japanese Korean cooperation association (Naisenkyowagai) was organized
to support Japanese Imperialists. In Osaka, Naisenkyowagai organized public schools
to promote the living standards of Koreans and to ‘develop’ their character. It
opened night schools along with boarding houses and help with finding jobs. The
length of the course was three years; it was
Table 1 Trends of the Number of Koreans in Japan during 1920-1950
| Year | Number | Year | Number | Year | Number |
| 1921 | 38,651 | 1931 | 311,247 | 1941 | 1,469,230 |
| 1922 | 59,722 | 1932 | 390,543 | 1942 | 1,625,054 |
| 1923 | 80,415 | 1933 | 456,217 | 1943 | 1,882,456 |
| 1924 | 118,152 | 1934 | 539,695 | 1944 | 1,936,843 |
| 1925 | 129,870 | 1935 | 625,678 | 1945 | 1,115,594 |
| 1926 | 143,798 | 1936 | 690,501 | 1946 | 647,006 |
| 1927 | 165,286 | 1937 | 735,689 | 1947 | 598,507 |
| 1928 | 238,102 | 1938 | 799,878 | 1948 | 601,772 |
| 1929 | 275,206 | 1939 | 961,591 | 1949 | 597,561 |
| 1930 | 298,091 | 1940 | 1,190,444 | 1950 | 535,236 |
337
available to Koreans who were over the regular educational age. The number of
students in this school was 150 (Higuchi, 1986). The Korean Trade Union in Osaka,
which agitated against Japan, also founded a night school in Uro-Cho in July 1928
for the purposes of fortifying the trade union. Further indepndent schools were
founded by private Korean residents. Some of these schools were similar in size to
Japanese public schools; their levels of financial backing also rivaled their
counterparts. Kosei Kakuin in Huse and Kansai-Kyomei Kakuin in Hikashinari-Ku were
founded for children in 1930 and 1931, respectively; these schools provided
education for students who had previously had no access to schools. At these
independent schools, Korean workers were taught to value their Korean heritage.
The teaching of Korean history; math; Korean culture and the history of the labor
movement were stressed (Kim, 1997). Through these schools, some Koreans developed
into workers with a class consciousness. These cases show that different social
groups organized different educational programs in accordance with their separate
ideologies.
available to Koreans who were over the regular educational age. The number of
students in this school was 150 (Higuchi, 1986). The Korean Trade Union in Osaka,
which agitated against Japan, also founded a night school in Uro-Cho in July 1928
for the purposes of fortifying the trade union. Further indepndent schools were
founded by private Korean residents. Some of these schools were similar in size to
Japanese public schools; their levels of financial backing also rivaled their
counterparts. Kosei Kakuin in Huse and Kansai-Kyomei Kakuin in Hikashinari-Ku were
founded for children in 1930 and 1931, respectively; these schools provided
education for students who had previously had no access to schools. At these
independent schools, Korean workers were taught to value their Korean heritage.
The teaching of Korean history; math; Korean culture and the history of the labor
movement were stressed (Kim, 1997). Through these schools, some Koreans developed
into workers with a class consciousness. These cases show that different social
groups organized different educational programs in accordance with their separate
ideologies.
Korean Identity Education after WW II
Due to the changed situation following the surrender of the Japanese
imperialists, Korean identity education for Zainichies was led by the Korean
Federation in Japan (KFJ) and is highlighted by the HanShin educational struggle.
imperialists, Korean identity education for Zainichies was led by the Korean
Federation in Japan (KFJ) and is highlighted by the HanShin educational struggle.
The Korean Federation in Japan (KFJ)
A great many Korean organizations sprung up spontaneously, hard on the heels of
the Japanese surrender, all of them seeking to protect the lives and property as
well as to promote the rights of Koreans residing in Japan (Wagner, 1951).
the Japanese surrender, all of them seeking to protect the lives and property as
well as to promote the rights of Koreans residing in Japan (Wagner, 1951).
The KFJ was organized in Tokyo in October 1945 (Kim, 2007). Due to an
administration vacuum for Koreans in Japan, Koreans in Japan needed an organization
that could help them to return to Korea and to survive in Japan. It represented all
Zainichies regardless of political standpoint; it organized programs to help those
wishing to return to Korea. It fought for the improvement of the everyday lives of
Zainichies. It independently undertook many Korean identity educational programs.
It also found many Korean schools for Zainichies who wanted to live in Japan.
administration vacuum for Koreans in Japan, Koreans in Japan needed an organization
that could help them to return to Korea and to survive in Japan. It represented all
Zainichies regardless of political standpoint; it organized programs to help those
wishing to return to Korea. It fought for the improvement of the everyday lives of
Zainichies. It independently undertook many Korean identity educational programs.
It also found many Korean schools for Zainichies who wanted to live in Japan.
Dissemination of Korean Identity Education by the KFJ
In preparation for their return to Korea, Koreans independently started to take
Korean programs in Tokyo, Osaka and Kobe just after the liberation in 1945 (Table 2).
There were more than 200 programs with the number of students totaling more than
20,000 by the end of 1945. Text books for Korean programs were prepared
independently:
Korean programs in Tokyo, Osaka and Kobe just after the liberation in 1945 (Table 2).
There were more than 200 programs with the number of students totaling more than
20,000 by the end of 1945. Text books for Korean programs were prepared
independently:
338
Table 2 Korean Learning Programs in Tokyo, Osaka and Kobe in 1945
| City | Area | Founder |
| Tokyo | Kanda | Korean YMCA |
| Adachi | Yoon, Byung-ok | |
| Totsuka | Lee, Jin-kyu | |
| Arakawa | Kim, Bo-hyun | |
| Idabashi | Chung, Ku-il | |
| Toyoshima | Eo, Dang | |
| Osaka | Ikaino | Church |
| Yasakacho | ||
| Kobe | Nishikobe | Factory of Odeng |
the most famous one was the “Text Book of Korean” edited by Lee Jin-kyu (Eo, 1998,
p. 108). After liberation, Koreans wished to learn about their Korean identity as
opposed to the kind of education for assimilation they had already experienced.
These Korean programs show how education adapts itself to a prapidly evolving status
quo.
p. 108). After liberation, Koreans wished to learn about their Korean identity as
opposed to the kind of education for assimilation they had already experienced.
These Korean programs show how education adapts itself to a prapidly evolving status
quo.
The KFJ started to organize Korean identity education actively from October 1945.
They gathered previously dispersed resources and fortified their organizational
power for these educational activities. Table 3 shows the activities of the KFJ
for Korean identity education from 1945-1948. Their activities were three-fold:
nurturing teachers, publishing textbooks and opening schools. The KFJ was very
active in nurturing teachers: it organized “Continuing education courses for
teachers” in December, 1945 and opened the first Korean language seminar for
teachers. After discussing future teaching programs and practicing teaching skills,
all 15 participants were dispatched to the Korean educational programs in Tokyo to
work.
They gathered previously dispersed resources and fortified their organizational
power for these educational activities. Table 3 shows the activities of the KFJ
for Korean identity education from 1945-1948. Their activities were three-fold:
nurturing teachers, publishing textbooks and opening schools. The KFJ was very
active in nurturing teachers: it organized “Continuing education courses for
teachers” in December, 1945 and opened the first Korean language seminar for
teachers. After discussing future teaching programs and practicing teaching skills,
all 15 participants were dispatched to the Korean educational programs in Tokyo to
work.
The second special general assembly held in February, 1946 decided to install
a committee for educational taskforces. Its roles were two-fold: nurturing teachers
and publishing textbooks (Kim, 2002). The second central committee in the assembly
decided to install a committee for
a committee for educational taskforces. Its roles were two-fold: nurturing teachers
and publishing textbooks (Kim, 2002). The second central committee in the assembly
decided to install a committee for
Table 3 Chronological Activities of Korean Federation in Japan (KFJ)
for Korean Identity Education during 1945-1946
| Time | Title | Feature |
| October, 1945 | Foundation of KFJ | Chair, Yoon Keun |
| November, 1945 | Support for cultural activity (Document) | About textbooks and teachers |
| December, 1945 | 1st Seminar for Korean | For teachers |
| February, 1946 | 2nd Special General assembly | Decision about the publishing textbooks and nurturing teachers |
| March, 1946 | Kenkoku technical school | Osaka |
| April, 1946 | Learning by stage | 3 stages by two grades |
| April, 1946 | Teachers union | Osaka |
| June, 1946 | Chosen teachers Institute | Osaka |
| October, 1946 | Chosen middle school | Tokyo |
| October, 1946 | 3rd Special General assembly | Desion on organizing School management Union |
| December, 1946 | Teachers union | Tokyo |
| July, 1947 | Educational system | Same as Japanese 6-3 stytem |
| August, 1947 | Korean Teachers league in Japan | Member: 1,200 Chair: Choi young-keun |
| October, 1947 | 4th Special General assembly | Decree of education Issue on education about democracy |
| January, 1948 | 13th central committee | Substantiality of facilities, systems and contents in schools |
339
Table 4 List of Textbooks about Korean and History Published during 1945-1946
| Subject | Title | Feature |
| Korean | Korean for primary schoo | Published by Korean Federation in Japan (KFJ) |
| Teaching manual for primary school | KFJ | |
| Korean for children | KFJ | |
| Korean Spelling | KFJ | |
| Text of Korean | KFJ | |
| History | Draft of Chosen history I, II, III | KFJ |
| Chosen history I, II, III※ | KFJ, Written |
※Note. Chosen history was written by Lim Kwang-cheol and had the same context as
“Chosen socio-economical history” by Paik Nam-woon and “Chosen societal history”
by Lee Chung-won.
“Chosen socio-economical history” by Paik Nam-woon and “Chosen societal history”
by Lee Chung-won.
primary school text publication in the department of culture. They agreed on bylaws
for the committee: it consisted of four chapters, thirteen articles in relation to
publishing textbooks in eight subject areas, encompassing Korean, math, science,
history, geography, music, art and morals. The committee installed in February, 1946
was guided through the leadership of the chair, Lee Jin-kyu. Table 4 shows the
details of the list of textbooks pertaining to Korean and history published during
the time period of 1945-1946. The members of the Korean Student Federation, Korean
Artist Association and the Society of People’s Culture collaborated in these
activities. As these activities grew, the courses were divided into three categories
according to the age group: low (first and second graders), middle (third and fourth
graders) and upper (fifth and sixth graders). According to the vision of the KFJ,
the text books were focused on Korean language and Korean History. The nature of
these textbooks shows that education is deeply linked to social needs.
for the committee: it consisted of four chapters, thirteen articles in relation to
publishing textbooks in eight subject areas, encompassing Korean, math, science,
history, geography, music, art and morals. The committee installed in February, 1946
was guided through the leadership of the chair, Lee Jin-kyu. Table 4 shows the
details of the list of textbooks pertaining to Korean and history published during
the time period of 1945-1946. The members of the Korean Student Federation, Korean
Artist Association and the Society of People’s Culture collaborated in these
activities. As these activities grew, the courses were divided into three categories
according to the age group: low (first and second graders), middle (third and fourth
graders) and upper (fifth and sixth graders). According to the vision of the KFJ,
the text books were focused on Korean language and Korean History. The nature of
these textbooks shows that education is deeply linked to social needs.
In terms of nurturing teachers, the second special assembly decided to found
several institutes including the 3.1 Political Institute in Tokyo and the 8.15
Youth Institute in Osaka. Other institutes included the Central Institute of the
KFJ, The Central Teachers Institute of the KFJ, The Osaka Chosen Teachers Institute
and Dressmaking School for Women of the KFJ. During the period between 1945 - 1946,
it also opened many schools: 525 primary schools with 42,182 students and 1,022
teachers; and 12 advanced schools for adolescents with 724 students and 54 teachers.
The number of schools increased to a total of 578 by October, 1947: 541 primary
schools, 7 middle schools, 22 schools for adolescents and 8 high schools (Lee, 1999).
several institutes including the 3.1 Political Institute in Tokyo and the 8.15
Youth Institute in Osaka. Other institutes included the Central Institute of the
KFJ, The Central Teachers Institute of the KFJ, The Osaka Chosen Teachers Institute
and Dressmaking School for Women of the KFJ. During the period between 1945 - 1946,
it also opened many schools: 525 primary schools with 42,182 students and 1,022
teachers; and 12 advanced schools for adolescents with 724 students and 54 teachers.
The number of schools increased to a total of 578 by October, 1947: 541 primary
schools, 7 middle schools, 22 schools for adolescents and 8 high schools (Lee, 1999).
In the third general assembly held in October 1946, four major tactics were
adopted for Zainichies: first, the promotion of a better life; second, education
and enlightenment; third, the installation of a temporary government in Korea; and
finally, the strengthening of the organization (Park, 1983). The priority lay on
education and enlightenment. During the fourth general assembly in October, 1947,
they discussed the issue of Korean schools. They established an agreement on “The
decree of education” and “The direction of democracy education” (Park, 1983,
p.24). It was focused on two issues: first, how they can cope with the interference
of the GHQ and the Japanese government upon Korean identity education; and second,
attaining financial freedom from the Japanese government in order to maintain their
rights to independent education (Kim,2006).
adopted for Zainichies: first, the promotion of a better life; second, education
and enlightenment; third, the installation of a temporary government in Korea; and
finally, the strengthening of the organization (Park, 1983). The priority lay on
education and enlightenment. During the fourth general assembly in October, 1947,
they discussed the issue of Korean schools. They established an agreement on “The
decree of education” and “The direction of democracy education” (Park, 1983,
p.24). It was focused on two issues: first, how they can cope with the interference
of the GHQ and the Japanese government upon Korean identity education; and second,
attaining financial freedom from the Japanese government in order to maintain their
rights to independent education (Kim,2006).
It has been speculated that these activities were based on the idea of
independence and the concept of education for democracy through learning, teaching
and managing education. These activities show that a well organized society with
common objectives can lead a well organized educational movement to meet common
targets.
independence and the concept of education for democracy through learning, teaching
and managing education. These activities show that a well organized society with
common objectives can lead a well organized educational movement to meet common
targets.
The HanShin Educational Struggle
The HanShin educational struggle refers to the two big struggles for Korean
identity education in Osaka and Kobe in 1948. The goal of providing Korean identity
education for Koreans in Japan was not able to be realized in Kobe and Osaka in
Japan under the GHQ, because Japan was
identity education in Osaka and Kobe in 1948. The goal of providing Korean identity
education for Koreans in Japan was not able to be realized in Kobe and Osaka in
Japan under the GHQ, because Japan was
340
unwilling to allow the existence of a Korean society lead by the left. The Hanshin
educational struggle shows that education always touches the social structure per
se and must exist within the governing politico-economical system.
unwilling to allow the existence of a Korean society lead by the left. The Hanshin
educational struggle shows that education always touches the social structure per
se and must exist within the governing politico-economical system.
Social Constrictions
Just after the Japanese defeat, the GHQ assumed an indifferent attitude to the
Korean identity education of Koreans in Japan. They changed their policy in October,
1947: Koreans schools in Japan had to follow the direction of the Japanese
government. This triggered the HanShin (Osaka and Kobe) educational struggle. The
GHQ had this to say,
Korean identity education of Koreans in Japan. They changed their policy in October,
1947: Koreans schools in Japan had to follow the direction of the Japanese
government. This triggered the HanShin (Osaka and Kobe) educational struggle. The
GHQ had this to say,
The Japanese government was directed to ensure that all Korean schools in
Japan should comply with all pertinent Japanese directives, the general
rules of Ministry of education in Japan. The only exception was to teach
the Korean language as an addition to the regular curriculum (Kim, 1988, p. 449).
The been planning to institute radical changes in the structure of the Japanese
school system and chose this occasion to bring Korean schools within the pale of
Japanese law (Wagner, 1951). The Japanese ministry of education directed that
Korean schools should get permission for opening schools and use Japanese textbooks.
Although the KFJ contacted the Japanese government and discussed this with the GHQ,
there were only negative responses. The Japanese government circulated a statement
of policy with regard to Korean-operated schools, announcing their position in the
document entitled “About handling the establishment of Korean schools” in January
1948 (Kim, 1988, p. 450). The order was for all Korean children to attend accredited
schools and for all teachers to comply with Japanese government regulations. The
only consolation for Koreans was the fact that their schools should be accredited,
and that the Korean language could be taught as an extracurricular subject (Wagner,
1951). I speculate that this policy could be interpreted as “The first order to
close Korean schools.” It was this attempt at oppressive control which was the
source of the conflict between the rights Koreans to independently educate for
the maintenance of Korean identity and the GHQ.
school system and chose this occasion to bring Korean schools within the pale of
Japanese law (Wagner, 1951). The Japanese ministry of education directed that
Korean schools should get permission for opening schools and use Japanese textbooks.
Although the KFJ contacted the Japanese government and discussed this with the GHQ,
there were only negative responses. The Japanese government circulated a statement
of policy with regard to Korean-operated schools, announcing their position in the
document entitled “About handling the establishment of Korean schools” in January
1948 (Kim, 1988, p. 450). The order was for all Korean children to attend accredited
schools and for all teachers to comply with Japanese government regulations. The
only consolation for Koreans was the fact that their schools should be accredited,
and that the Korean language could be taught as an extracurricular subject (Wagner,
1951). I speculate that this policy could be interpreted as “The first order to
close Korean schools.” It was this attempt at oppressive control which was the
source of the conflict between the rights Koreans to independently educate for
the maintenance of Korean identity and the GHQ.
The Struggle for the Autonomy of Korean Education in Osaka and Kobe
Under the leadership of the KFJ, strenuous efforts were made to maintain the
autonomy of Korean education. The KFJ organized a Counter Measure Committee on
Korean identity education; participation was by representatives of various Korean
groups. They developed a four point “principles of autonomy for the Korea
education” program:
autonomy of Korean education. The KFJ organized a Counter Measure Committee on
Korean identity education; participation was by representatives of various Korean
groups. They developed a four point “principles of autonomy for the Korea
education” program:
1) Instruction in the Korean language; 2) The use of textbooks compiled
by a Korean committee and censored by the Supreme Commander for Allied
Powers; 3) The administration of schools on an individual basis by Korean
parents; 4) The teaching of the Japanese language as part of the required
curriculum (Kim, 2007, p. 202).
The Japanese government released another document in March, 1948. It said that
if the first order were not accepted, they would close down Korean schools. I
believe that this move can be described as “The second order to close Korean
schools.”
if the first order were not accepted, they would close down Korean schools. I
believe that this move can be described as “The second order to close Korean
schools.”
The first struggle against this order occurred in Yamaguchi-Ken on March 31,
1948 (Park, 1989). It took the form of a demonstration in Yamaguchi-Ken consisting
of more than 10,000 Koreans waiting to return to Korea. They rallied throughout
the night in an attempt to negotiate with the administrative authorities of the
district. Finally, the administrative authorities withdrew their previous order.
From then on, various struggles occurred in Hiroshima, Okayama, Hyogo, Osaka and
Kobe.
1948 (Park, 1989). It took the form of a demonstration in Yamaguchi-Ken consisting
of more than 10,000 Koreans waiting to return to Korea. They rallied throughout
the night in an attempt to negotiate with the administrative authorities of the
district. Finally, the administrative authorities withdrew their previous order.
From then on, various struggles occurred in Hiroshima, Okayama, Hyogo, Osaka and
Kobe.
Table 5 shows the detail procedures of the HanShin educational struggle. In
Osaka, a Korean gathering opened against the oppression of Korean schools and
developed into a rally on April 23, 1948 (Park, 1989). They tried to negotiate,
but ended in failure. The leaders of the rally were arrested and sent to jail in
Osaka. The next day, a demonstration took place in front of the police station,
asking for the release of those arrested. More Koreans were arrested in that rally.
Koreans in Osaka organized a big rally again and tried to negotiate with the
administrative authorities. A big gathering of more than 10,000 Koreans was
organized in Otemae Park on April 26; the authorities gave the crowd the ridiculous
order to disperse within three minutes. When the crowd did not comply, the Osaka
police
Osaka, a Korean gathering opened against the oppression of Korean schools and
developed into a rally on April 23, 1948 (Park, 1989). They tried to negotiate,
but ended in failure. The leaders of the rally were arrested and sent to jail in
Osaka. The next day, a demonstration took place in front of the police station,
asking for the release of those arrested. More Koreans were arrested in that rally.
Koreans in Osaka organized a big rally again and tried to negotiate with the
administrative authorities. A big gathering of more than 10,000 Koreans was
organized in Otemae Park on April 26; the authorities gave the crowd the ridiculous
order to disperse within three minutes. When the crowd did not comply, the Osaka
police
341
Table 5 Procedures of HanShin Educational Struggle in 1948
| City | Date | Event |
| Kobe | April 7 | Order of closing Korean schools |
| April 11 | Korean Gathering asks for withdrawing the order. | |
| April 15 | 70 Koreans were illegally arrested. | |
| April 16 | Asking for releasing the arrested and withdrawing the order | |
| April 20 | Meeting the governor. Governor suddenly closed the meeting. | |
| April 21 | GHQ and mayor disclosed the evacuation of teachers. | |
| April 23 | GHQ and city authority started to close Korean schools. | |
| April 24 | A big rally in Hugo-Ken. The governor accepted the request of Koreans. | |
| April 24 | Declaration of situation of emergence | |
| April 25 | Mass were arrested. | |
| Osaka | April 23 | Big gathering of Korean people Leaders were arrested. |
| April 24 | Sporadic rally. More people were arrested. | |
| April 26 | A big Korean Gathering | |
| April 26 | Brutal suppression by police. Kim Tae-il was killed. |
mobilized more than 8,000 policemen including police school students and shot at
the demonstrators. Kim Tae-il, aged 16, was killed and many were arrested. The
latter were tried under the American court-martial and Kim Seok-song was forcefully
exiled to Korea. The Osaka struggle was characterized by brutal suppression. This
demonstrates that the state never gives up willingly the power for governing: they
will kill and exile people if need be in order to maintain power.
the demonstrators. Kim Tae-il, aged 16, was killed and many were arrested. The
latter were tried under the American court-martial and Kim Seok-song was forcefully
exiled to Korea. The Osaka struggle was characterized by brutal suppression. This
demonstrates that the state never gives up willingly the power for governing: they
will kill and exile people if need be in order to maintain power.
In Kobe, the order to close down Korean schools was given on April 7, 1947.
Parents of students protested against the order by blocking the school gates and
a big rally of more than 10,000 attendants was organized, which forced the
government to withdraw the order on April 24. The problem of the Japanese
government’s attempts to suppress Korean identity education remained. On April 24,
the GHQ declared a state of emergency in Kobe. Kobe became a nightmare for Koreans.
On April 24, the Koreans in Kobe misinterpreted the event as a victory against the
GHQ. The Kobe case shows that the government never negotiates with an
anti-government group: education is an indispensable means for them to maintain
power stability.
Parents of students protested against the order by blocking the school gates and
a big rally of more than 10,000 attendants was organized, which forced the
government to withdraw the order on April 24. The problem of the Japanese
government’s attempts to suppress Korean identity education remained. On April 24,
the GHQ declared a state of emergency in Kobe. Kobe became a nightmare for Koreans.
On April 24, the Koreans in Kobe misinterpreted the event as a victory against the
GHQ. The Kobe case shows that the government never negotiates with an
anti-government group: education is an indispensable means for them to maintain
power stability.
The HanShin educational struggle, as shown in Table 5, seems to have failed
accompanied with great sacrifice: one million people attended rallies; 212 were
injured, one killed; more than 3,000 arrested; 212 prosecuted; and 36 jailed. A
final solution to the problem of the conflict between the KFJ and the GHQ in terms
of Korean identity educational was reached only with the destruction of the KFJ
itself more than a year later. The HanShin Korean identity education struggle
shows that educational problems should be resolved after taking into consideration
the social and political issues in a given society.
accompanied with great sacrifice: one million people attended rallies; 212 were
injured, one killed; more than 3,000 arrested; 212 prosecuted; and 36 jailed. A
final solution to the problem of the conflict between the KFJ and the GHQ in terms
of Korean identity educational was reached only with the destruction of the KFJ
itself more than a year later. The HanShin Korean identity education struggle
shows that educational problems should be resolved after taking into consideration
the social and political issues in a given society.
Epilogue
After the HanShin educational struggle, the minister of education in Japan and
the representative of the Counter Measures Committee of the KFJ agreed to make an
exchange of notes to the effect that Korean identity education should be governed
by the directives of the Japanese Ministry of Education. Thereafter, independent
Korean identity education temporarily disappeared; however autonomous Korean
identity education recommenced after the Korean War. The present Korean Identity
Class in Osaka is one of the legacies of the HanShin educational struggle for the
autonomy of Korean identity education.
the representative of the Counter Measures Committee of the KFJ agreed to make an
exchange of notes to the effect that Korean identity education should be governed
by the directives of the Japanese Ministry of Education. Thereafter, independent
Korean identity education temporarily disappeared; however autonomous Korean
identity education recommenced after the Korean War. The present Korean Identity
Class in Osaka is one of the legacies of the HanShin educational struggle for the
autonomy of Korean identity education.
In order to maintain its leadership in the new era after
342
WWII, the United States of America hoped that Japan would take a central role in
Eastern Asia. The oppression practiced by both the GHQ and the Japanese government
of Korean identity education increased. It was natural that the KFJ, freshly
invigorated with a sense of liberation and democracy would strongly rise against
such oppression. The KFJ organized rallies to secure the right of autonomy in
Korean identity education throughout Japan, but failed. In the 5th general assembly
of the KFJ in October 1948, the KFJ designated April 24 as “a memorial day of
education”, as a day of remembrance for preserving the Korean language (Kim, 1979,
p. 109). The legacy of the HanShin educational struggle gave Zainichi Koreans in
Japan the future direction for the autonomy of Korean identity education: Korean
language, independent education, democratic education and cooperation with Japanese
educators who were of a democratic persuasion.
WWII, the United States of America hoped that Japan would take a central role in
Eastern Asia. The oppression practiced by both the GHQ and the Japanese government
of Korean identity education increased. It was natural that the KFJ, freshly
invigorated with a sense of liberation and democracy would strongly rise against
such oppression. The KFJ organized rallies to secure the right of autonomy in
Korean identity education throughout Japan, but failed. In the 5th general assembly
of the KFJ in October 1948, the KFJ designated April 24 as “a memorial day of
education”, as a day of remembrance for preserving the Korean language (Kim, 1979,
p. 109). The legacy of the HanShin educational struggle gave Zainichi Koreans in
Japan the future direction for the autonomy of Korean identity education: Korean
language, independent education, democratic education and cooperation with Japanese
educators who were of a democratic persuasion.
Conclusions
Under Japanese colonization, the education for Koreans in Japan was mainly that
of assimilation by Japanese imperialists; it provided Koreans with the opportunity
to spread Korean national identity via night schools for workers. After the
Japanese surrender, the Korean independent education movement pushed Koreans to
learn the Korean language. It also strengthened Korean organizations including
the KFJ. The Korean identity educational struggle, peaking with the Hanshin
education movement was indispensable under the AMA, which was more favorably
disposed to the previous Japanese regime.
of assimilation by Japanese imperialists; it provided Koreans with the opportunity
to spread Korean national identity via night schools for workers. After the
Japanese surrender, the Korean independent education movement pushed Koreans to
learn the Korean language. It also strengthened Korean organizations including
the KFJ. The Korean identity educational struggle, peaking with the Hanshin
education movement was indispensable under the AMA, which was more favorably
disposed to the previous Japanese regime.
Education is the process of developing knowledge, skills and character. Korean
Identity Education focused on instilling the knowledge of where Koreans came from,
who they are, how they think, and how they communicate with each other. Korean
identity is composed of a common language, cultural and ethnic background. These
features are rooted in the socio-cultural situation. Hence, education can not be
totally separated from the social system. Education reflects the most conspicuous
ideology of the governing social structure as the subsystem of the total system
such as the politico-economical system. The HanShin educational struggle shows that
any type of education may be permitted under the legal regulation of a given
society in ordre to preserve and maintain the social system. This study shows that
education reflects the social, cultural, economical and political structure of any
society. The impact of education on society and its feedback functions are extremely
important for the future direction of the society in question.
Identity Education focused on instilling the knowledge of where Koreans came from,
who they are, how they think, and how they communicate with each other. Korean
identity is composed of a common language, cultural and ethnic background. These
features are rooted in the socio-cultural situation. Hence, education can not be
totally separated from the social system. Education reflects the most conspicuous
ideology of the governing social structure as the subsystem of the total system
such as the politico-economical system. The HanShin educational struggle shows that
any type of education may be permitted under the legal regulation of a given
society in ordre to preserve and maintain the social system. This study shows that
education reflects the social, cultural, economical and political structure of any
society. The impact of education on society and its feedback functions are extremely
important for the future direction of the society in question.
Notes
1. “Zainichi Chosenjin Renmei” is translated as “The Korean Federation in Japan
(KFJ)”, although it was translated as “The Korean League” and /or “The league
of Korean residing in Japan” by Wagner (Wagner, 1951, p. 50).
(KFJ)”, although it was translated as “The Korean League” and /or “The league
of Korean residing in Japan” by Wagner (Wagner, 1951, p. 50).
2. “Korean identity education” represents the education about Korean national
identity. Since “Korean nationalism education” could make a chauvinistic
misunderstanding, I preferred “Korean identity education” instead.
identity. Since “Korean nationalism education” could make a chauvinistic
misunderstanding, I preferred “Korean identity education” instead.
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Received September 27, 2007
Revision received October 18, 2007
Accepted March 14, 2008
Revision received October 18, 2007
Accepted March 14, 2008
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